Mock Exam- EST Practice Literacy two (reading) with time

The following passage is excerpted from
Antractica Penguins by G. Murrray levick

On Duke of York Island, some twenty
miles south of the Cape Adare rookery, another
breeding-place has been made. This is a small
colony only, as might be expected. Indeed it is
(5)difficult to see why the penguins chose this
place at all whilst room still exists at the bigger
rookery, because Duke of York Island, until
late in the season, is cut off from open water by
many miles of sea-ice, so that with the
(10)exception of an occasional tide crack, or
seals’ blow holes, the birds of that rookery have
no means of getting food except by making a
long journey on foot. When the arrivals were
streaming up to Cape Adare many were seen to
(15)pass by, making in a straight line for Duke
of York Island, and so adding another twenty
miles on foot to the journey they had already
accomplished.

When the time arrived for the birds to feed,
(20)some open leads had formed about half
way across the bay, and those of the Duke of
York colony were to be seen streaming over
the ice for many miles on their way between
the water and their nests. They seem to think
(25)nothing of long journeys, however, as in
the early season, when unbroken sea-ice
intervened between the two rookeries, parties
of penguins from Cape Adare actually used to
march out and meet their Duke of York friends
(30)half way over, presumably for the pleasure
of a chat.

   To realize what this meant, we must
remember that an Adélie penguin’s eyes being
only about twelve inches above the ground
(35)when on the march, his horizon is only one
mile distant. Thus from Cape Adare he could
just see the top of the mountain on Duke of
York Island peeping above the horizon on the
clearest day. In anything like thick weather he
(40)could not see it at all, and probably he
had never been there. So in the first place, what was
it that impelled him to go on this long journey
to meet his friends, and when so impelled, what
instinct pointed out the way? This of course
(45)merely brings us to the old question of
migratory instinct, but in the case of the
penguin, its horizon is so very short that it is
quite evident he possesses a special sense of
direction, in addition to the special sense
(50)which urged him to go and meet the
Duke of York Island contingent, and I may
here remark that when we were returning to
New Zealand in the summer of 1913, we
passed troops of penguins swimming in the
(55)open sea far out of sight of land,—an
unanswerable reply to those naturalists who
still maintain that migrating birds must rely
upon their eyes for guidance, and this remark
applies equally to the penguins we found on
(60)the northern limits of the pack-ice, some
five hundred miles from the rookeries to
which they would repair the following year.

   According to Pennell, it appears probable
that there is a great hang of pack in the sea
(65)west of Cape Adare and south of the
Balleny Islands, and most likely it is here that
the Adélies repair when they leave Cape
Adare rookery in the autumn. I think,
however, it is safe to assume that they seek
(70)the northernmost limits of the pack
during the winter, as these would offer the
most favourable conditions.

The exact whereabouts of the Adélie
penguins during the winter months has been
(75)much discussed by different writers. It is
agreed that they repair to the pack-ice, but our
knowledge of the movements of this pack is
very vague at the present time, and so
unfortunately I can give but a rough idea of the
(80)subject.

 I have collected and noted down the latest
evidence for the benefit of the zoologists of
future expeditions who may wish to investigate
the matter further, and I am indebted for nearly
(85)the whole of it to Commander Harry L.

Pennell, R.N., commander of the Terra
Nova from 1910 to 1913, who kindly drew up
for me.

Probably the information which more
(90)nearly concerns the penguins of Cape
Adare rookery will be found in the table. The
birds from Cape Crozier and Cape Royds
rookeries must have some four hundred miles
further to travel when they go North in the
autumn than those at Cape Adare.

Note.—Ross, Kristensen, Scott, Shackleton and Pennell all, however, found pack late in the season while trying to work west along the coast when only some forty-five to seventy-five miles north of Cape Adare, and all were turned by this pack

The following passage is excerpted from
Antractica Penguins by G. Murrray levick

On Duke of York Island, some twenty
miles south of the Cape Adare rookery, another
breeding-place has been made. This is a small
colony only, as might be expected. Indeed it is
(5)difficult to see why the penguins chose this
place at all whilst room still exists at the bigger
rookery, because Duke of York Island, until
late in the season, is cut off from open water by
many miles of sea-ice, so that with the
(10)exception of an occasional tide crack, or
seals’ blow holes, the birds of that rookery have
no means of getting food except by making a
long journey on foot. When the arrivals were
streaming up to Cape Adare many were seen to
(15)pass by, making in a straight line for Duke
of York Island, and so adding another twenty
miles on foot to the journey they had already
accomplished.

When the time arrived for the birds to feed,
(20)some open leads had formed about half
way across the bay, and those of the Duke of
York colony were to be seen streaming over
the ice for many miles on their way between
the water and their nests. They seem to think
(25)nothing of long journeys, however, as in
the early season, when unbroken sea-ice
intervened between the two rookeries, parties
of penguins from Cape Adare actually used to
march out and meet their Duke of York friends
(30)half way over, presumably for the pleasure
of a chat.

   To realize what this meant, we must
remember that an Adélie penguin’s eyes being
only about twelve inches above the ground
(35)when on the march, his horizon is only one
mile distant. Thus from Cape Adare he could
just see the top of the mountain on Duke of
York Island peeping above the horizon on the
clearest day. In anything like thick weather he
(40)could not see it at all, and probably he
had never been there. So in the first place, what was
it that impelled him to go on this long journey
to meet his friends, and when so impelled, what
instinct pointed out the way? This of course
(45)merely brings us to the old question of
migratory instinct, but in the case of the
penguin, its horizon is so very short that it is
quite evident he possesses a special sense of
direction, in addition to the special sense
(50)which urged him to go and meet the
Duke of York Island contingent, and I may
here remark that when we were returning to
New Zealand in the summer of 1913, we
passed troops of penguins swimming in the
(55)open sea far out of sight of land,—an
unanswerable reply to those naturalists who
still maintain that migrating birds must rely
upon their eyes for guidance, and this remark
applies equally to the penguins we found on
(60)the northern limits of the pack-ice, some
five hundred miles from the rookeries to
which they would repair the following year.

   According to Pennell, it appears probable
that there is a great hang of pack in the sea
(65)west of Cape Adare and south of the
Balleny Islands, and most likely it is here that
the Adélies repair when they leave Cape
Adare rookery in the autumn. I think,
however, it is safe to assume that they seek
(70)the northernmost limits of the pack
during the winter, as these would offer the
most favourable conditions.

The exact whereabouts of the Adélie
penguins during the winter months has been
(75)much discussed by different writers. It is
agreed that they repair to the pack-ice, but our
knowledge of the movements of this pack is
very vague at the present time, and so
unfortunately I can give but a rough idea of the
(80)subject.

 I have collected and noted down the latest
evidence for the benefit of the zoologists of
future expeditions who may wish to investigate
the matter further, and I am indebted for nearly
(85)the whole of it to Commander Harry L.

Pennell, R.N., commander of the Terra
Nova from 1910 to 1913, who kindly drew up
for me.

Probably the information which more
(90)nearly concerns the penguins of Cape
Adare rookery will be found in the table. The
birds from Cape Crozier and Cape Royds
rookeries must have some four hundred miles
further to travel when they go North in the
autumn than those at Cape Adare.

Note.—Ross, Kristensen, Scott, Shackleton and Pennell all, however, found pack late in the season while trying to work west along the coast when only some forty-five to seventy-five miles north of Cape Adare, and all were turned by this pack

The following passage is excerpted from
Antractica Penguins by G. Murrray levick

On Duke of York Island, some twenty
miles south of the Cape Adare rookery, another
breeding-place has been made. This is a small
colony only, as might be expected. Indeed it is
(5)difficult to see why the penguins chose this
place at all whilst room still exists at the bigger
rookery, because Duke of York Island, until
late in the season, is cut off from open water by
many miles of sea-ice, so that with the
(10)exception of an occasional tide crack, or
seals’ blow holes, the birds of that rookery have
no means of getting food except by making a
long journey on foot. When the arrivals were
streaming up to Cape Adare many were seen to
(15)pass by, making in a straight line for Duke
of York Island, and so adding another twenty
miles on foot to the journey they had already
accomplished.

When the time arrived for the birds to feed,
(20)some open leads had formed about half
way across the bay, and those of the Duke of
York colony were to be seen streaming over
the ice for many miles on their way between
the water and their nests. They seem to think
(25)nothing of long journeys, however, as in
the early season, when unbroken sea-ice
intervened between the two rookeries, parties
of penguins from Cape Adare actually used to
march out and meet their Duke of York friends
(30)half way over, presumably for the pleasure
of a chat.

   To realize what this meant, we must
remember that an Adélie penguin’s eyes being
only about twelve inches above the ground
(35)when on the march, his horizon is only one
mile distant. Thus from Cape Adare he could
just see the top of the mountain on Duke of
York Island peeping above the horizon on the
clearest day. In anything like thick weather he
(40)could not see it at all, and probably he
had never been there. So in the first place, what was
it that impelled him to go on this long journey
to meet his friends, and when so impelled, what
instinct pointed out the way? This of course
(45)merely brings us to the old question of
migratory instinct, but in the case of the
penguin, its horizon is so very short that it is
quite evident he possesses a special sense of
direction, in addition to the special sense
(50)which urged him to go and meet the
Duke of York Island contingent, and I may
here remark that when we were returning to
New Zealand in the summer of 1913, we
passed troops of penguins swimming in the
(55)open sea far out of sight of land,—an
unanswerable reply to those naturalists who
still maintain that migrating birds must rely
upon their eyes for guidance, and this remark
applies equally to the penguins we found on
(60)the northern limits of the pack-ice, some
five hundred miles from the rookeries to
which they would repair the following year.

   According to Pennell, it appears probable
that there is a great hang of pack in the sea
(65)west of Cape Adare and south of the
Balleny Islands, and most likely it is here that
the Adélies repair when they leave Cape
Adare rookery in the autumn. I think,
however, it is safe to assume that they seek
(70)the northernmost limits of the pack
during the winter, as these would offer the
most favourable conditions.

The exact whereabouts of the Adélie
penguins during the winter months has been
(75)much discussed by different writers. It is
agreed that they repair to the pack-ice, but our
knowledge of the movements of this pack is
very vague at the present time, and so
unfortunately I can give but a rough idea of the
(80)subject.

 I have collected and noted down the latest
evidence for the benefit of the zoologists of
future expeditions who may wish to investigate
the matter further, and I am indebted for nearly
(85)the whole of it to Commander Harry L.

Pennell, R.N., commander of the Terra
Nova from 1910 to 1913, who kindly drew up
for me.

Probably the information which more
(90)nearly concerns the penguins of Cape
Adare rookery will be found in the table. The
birds from Cape Crozier and Cape Royds
rookeries must have some four hundred miles
further to travel when they go North in the
autumn than those at Cape Adare.

Note.—Ross, Kristensen, Scott, Shackleton and Pennell all, however, found pack late in the season while trying to work west along the coast when only some forty-five to seventy-five miles north of Cape Adare, and all were turned by this pack

The following passage is excerpted from
Antractica Penguins by G. Murrray levick

On Duke of York Island, some twenty
miles south of the Cape Adare rookery, another
breeding-place has been made. This is a small
colony only, as might be expected. Indeed it is
(5)difficult to see why the penguins chose this
place at all whilst room still exists at the bigger
rookery, because Duke of York Island, until
late in the season, is cut off from open water by
many miles of sea-ice, so that with the
(10)exception of an occasional tide crack, or
seals’ blow holes, the birds of that rookery have
no means of getting food except by making a
long journey on foot. When the arrivals were
streaming up to Cape Adare many were seen to
(15)pass by, making in a straight line for Duke
of York Island, and so adding another twenty
miles on foot to the journey they had already
accomplished.

When the time arrived for the birds to feed,
(20)some open leads had formed about half
way across the bay, and those of the Duke of
York colony were to be seen streaming over
the ice for many miles on their way between
the water and their nests. They seem to think
(25)nothing of long journeys, however, as in
the early season, when unbroken sea-ice
intervened between the two rookeries, parties
of penguins from Cape Adare actually used to
march out and meet their Duke of York friends
(30)half way over, presumably for the pleasure
of a chat.

   To realize what this meant, we must
remember that an Adélie penguin’s eyes being
only about twelve inches above the ground
(35)when on the march, his horizon is only one
mile distant. Thus from Cape Adare he could
just see the top of the mountain on Duke of
York Island peeping above the horizon on the
clearest day. In anything like thick weather he
(40)could not see it at all, and probably he
had never been there. So in the first place, what was
it that impelled him to go on this long journey
to meet his friends, and when so impelled, what
instinct pointed out the way? This of course
(45)merely brings us to the old question of
migratory instinct, but in the case of the
penguin, its horizon is so very short that it is
quite evident he possesses a special sense of
direction, in addition to the special sense
(50)which urged him to go and meet the
Duke of York Island contingent, and I may
here remark that when we were returning to
New Zealand in the summer of 1913, we
passed troops of penguins swimming in the
(55)open sea far out of sight of land,—an
unanswerable reply to those naturalists who
still maintain that migrating birds must rely
upon their eyes for guidance, and this remark
applies equally to the penguins we found on
(60)the northern limits of the pack-ice, some
five hundred miles from the rookeries to
which they would repair the following year.

   According to Pennell, it appears probable
that there is a great hang of pack in the sea
(65)west of Cape Adare and south of the
Balleny Islands, and most likely it is here that
the Adélies repair when they leave Cape
Adare rookery in the autumn. I think,
however, it is safe to assume that they seek
(70)the northernmost limits of the pack
during the winter, as these would offer the
most favourable conditions.

The exact whereabouts of the Adélie
penguins during the winter months has been
(75)much discussed by different writers. It is
agreed that they repair to the pack-ice, but our
knowledge of the movements of this pack is
very vague at the present time, and so
unfortunately I can give but a rough idea of the
(80)subject.

 I have collected and noted down the latest
evidence for the benefit of the zoologists of
future expeditions who may wish to investigate
the matter further, and I am indebted for nearly
(85)the whole of it to Commander Harry L.

Pennell, R.N., commander of the Terra
Nova from 1910 to 1913, who kindly drew up
for me.

Probably the information which more
(90)nearly concerns the penguins of Cape
Adare rookery will be found in the table. The
birds from Cape Crozier and Cape Royds
rookeries must have some four hundred miles
further to travel when they go North in the
autumn than those at Cape Adare.

Note.—Ross, Kristensen, Scott, Shackleton and Pennell all, however, found pack late in the season while trying to work west along the coast when only some forty-five to seventy-five miles north of Cape Adare, and all were turned by this pack

The following passage is excerpted from
Antractica Penguins by G. Murrray levick

On Duke of York Island, some twenty
miles south of the Cape Adare rookery, another
breeding-place has been made. This is a small
colony only, as might be expected. Indeed it is
(5)difficult to see why the penguins chose this
place at all whilst room still exists at the bigger
rookery, because Duke of York Island, until
late in the season, is cut off from open water by
many miles of sea-ice, so that with the
(10)exception of an occasional tide crack, or
seals’ blow holes, the birds of that rookery have
no means of getting food except by making a
long journey on foot. When the arrivals were
streaming up to Cape Adare many were seen to
(15)pass by, making in a straight line for Duke
of York Island, and so adding another twenty
miles on foot to the journey they had already
accomplished.

When the time arrived for the birds to feed,
(20)some open leads had formed about half
way across the bay, and those of the Duke of
York colony were to be seen streaming over
the ice for many miles on their way between
the water and their nests. They seem to think
(25)nothing of long journeys, however, as in
the early season, when unbroken sea-ice
intervened between the two rookeries, parties
of penguins from Cape Adare actually used to
march out and meet their Duke of York friends
(30)half way over, presumably for the pleasure
of a chat.

   To realize what this meant, we must
remember that an Adélie penguin’s eyes being
only about twelve inches above the ground
(35)when on the march, his horizon is only one
mile distant. Thus from Cape Adare he could
just see the top of the mountain on Duke of
York Island peeping above the horizon on the
clearest day. In anything like thick weather he
(40)could not see it at all, and probably he
had never been there. So in the first place, what was
it that impelled him to go on this long journey
to meet his friends, and when so impelled, what
instinct pointed out the way? This of course
(45)merely brings us to the old question of
migratory instinct, but in the case of the
penguin, its horizon is so very short that it is
quite evident he possesses a special sense of
direction, in addition to the special sense
(50)which urged him to go and meet the
Duke of York Island contingent, and I may
here remark that when we were returning to
New Zealand in the summer of 1913, we
passed troops of penguins swimming in the
(55)open sea far out of sight of land,—an
unanswerable reply to those naturalists who
still maintain that migrating birds must rely
upon their eyes for guidance, and this remark
applies equally to the penguins we found on
(60)the northern limits of the pack-ice, some
five hundred miles from the rookeries to
which they would repair the following year.

   According to Pennell, it appears probable
that there is a great hang of pack in the sea
(65)west of Cape Adare and south of the
Balleny Islands, and most likely it is here that
the Adélies repair when they leave Cape
Adare rookery in the autumn. I think,
however, it is safe to assume that they seek
(70)the northernmost limits of the pack
during the winter, as these would offer the
most favourable conditions.

The exact whereabouts of the Adélie
penguins during the winter months has been
(75)much discussed by different writers. It is
agreed that they repair to the pack-ice, but our
knowledge of the movements of this pack is
very vague at the present time, and so
unfortunately I can give but a rough idea of the
(80)subject.

 I have collected and noted down the latest
evidence for the benefit of the zoologists of
future expeditions who may wish to investigate
the matter further, and I am indebted for nearly
(85)the whole of it to Commander Harry L.

Pennell, R.N., commander of the Terra
Nova from 1910 to 1913, who kindly drew up
for me.

Probably the information which more
(90)nearly concerns the penguins of Cape
Adare rookery will be found in the table. The
birds from Cape Crozier and Cape Royds
rookeries must have some four hundred miles
further to travel when they go North in the
autumn than those at Cape Adare.

Note.—Ross, Kristensen, Scott, Shackleton and Pennell all, however, found pack late in the season while trying to work west along the coast when only some forty-five to seventy-five miles north of Cape Adare, and all were turned by this pack

The following passage is excerpted from
Antractica Penguins by G. Murrray levick

On Duke of York Island, some twenty
miles south of the Cape Adare rookery, another
breeding-place has been made. This is a small
colony only, as might be expected. Indeed it is
(5)difficult to see why the penguins chose this
place at all whilst room still exists at the bigger
rookery, because Duke of York Island, until
late in the season, is cut off from open water by
many miles of sea-ice, so that with the
(10)exception of an occasional tide crack, or
seals’ blow holes, the birds of that rookery have
no means of getting food except by making a
long journey on foot. When the arrivals were
streaming up to Cape Adare many were seen to
(15)pass by, making in a straight line for Duke
of York Island, and so adding another twenty
miles on foot to the journey they had already
accomplished.

When the time arrived for the birds to feed,
(20)some open leads had formed about half
way across the bay, and those of the Duke of
York colony were to be seen streaming over
the ice for many miles on their way between
the water and their nests. They seem to think
(25)nothing of long journeys, however, as in
the early season, when unbroken sea-ice
intervened between the two rookeries, parties
of penguins from Cape Adare actually used to
march out and meet their Duke of York friends
(30)half way over, presumably for the pleasure
of a chat.

   To realize what this meant, we must
remember that an Adélie penguin’s eyes being
only about twelve inches above the ground
(35)when on the march, his horizon is only one
mile distant. Thus from Cape Adare he could
just see the top of the mountain on Duke of
York Island peeping above the horizon on the
clearest day. In anything like thick weather he
(40)could not see it at all, and probably he
had never been there. So in the first place, what was
it that impelled him to go on this long journey
to meet his friends, and when so impelled, what
instinct pointed out the way? This of course
(45)merely brings us to the old question of
migratory instinct, but in the case of the
penguin, its horizon is so very short that it is
quite evident he possesses a special sense of
direction, in addition to the special sense
(50)which urged him to go and meet the
Duke of York Island contingent, and I may
here remark that when we were returning to
New Zealand in the summer of 1913, we
passed troops of penguins swimming in the
(55)open sea far out of sight of land,—an
unanswerable reply to those naturalists who
still maintain that migrating birds must rely
upon their eyes for guidance, and this remark
applies equally to the penguins we found on
(60)the northern limits of the pack-ice, some
five hundred miles from the rookeries to
which they would repair the following year.

   According to Pennell, it appears probable
that there is a great hang of pack in the sea
(65)west of Cape Adare and south of the
Balleny Islands, and most likely it is here that
the Adélies repair when they leave Cape
Adare rookery in the autumn. I think,
however, it is safe to assume that they seek
(70)the northernmost limits of the pack
during the winter, as these would offer the
most favourable conditions.

The exact whereabouts of the Adélie
penguins during the winter months has been
(75)much discussed by different writers. It is
agreed that they repair to the pack-ice, but our
knowledge of the movements of this pack is
very vague at the present time, and so
unfortunately I can give but a rough idea of the
(80)subject.

 I have collected and noted down the latest
evidence for the benefit of the zoologists of
future expeditions who may wish to investigate
the matter further, and I am indebted for nearly
(85)the whole of it to Commander Harry L.

Pennell, R.N., commander of the Terra
Nova from 1910 to 1913, who kindly drew up
for me.

Probably the information which more
(90)nearly concerns the penguins of Cape
Adare rookery will be found in the table. The
birds from Cape Crozier and Cape Royds
rookeries must have some four hundred miles
further to travel when they go North in the
autumn than those at Cape Adare.

Note.—Ross, Kristensen, Scott, Shackleton and Pennell all, however, found pack late in the season while trying to work west along the coast when only some forty-five to seventy-five miles north of Cape Adare, and all were turned by this pack

The following passage is excerpted from
Antractica Penguins by G. Murrray levick

On Duke of York Island, some twenty
miles south of the Cape Adare rookery, another
breeding-place has been made. This is a small
colony only, as might be expected. Indeed it is
(5)difficult to see why the penguins chose this
place at all whilst room still exists at the bigger
rookery, because Duke of York Island, until
late in the season, is cut off from open water by
many miles of sea-ice, so that with the
(10)exception of an occasional tide crack, or
seals’ blow holes, the birds of that rookery have
no means of getting food except by making a
long journey on foot. When the arrivals were
streaming up to Cape Adare many were seen to
(15)pass by, making in a straight line for Duke
of York Island, and so adding another twenty
miles on foot to the journey they had already
accomplished.

When the time arrived for the birds to feed,
(20)some open leads had formed about half
way across the bay, and those of the Duke of
York colony were to be seen streaming over
the ice for many miles on their way between
the water and their nests. They seem to think
(25)nothing of long journeys, however, as in
the early season, when unbroken sea-ice
intervened between the two rookeries, parties
of penguins from Cape Adare actually used to
march out and meet their Duke of York friends
(30)half way over, presumably for the pleasure
of a chat.

   To realize what this meant, we must
remember that an Adélie penguin’s eyes being
only about twelve inches above the ground
(35)when on the march, his horizon is only one
mile distant. Thus from Cape Adare he could
just see the top of the mountain on Duke of
York Island peeping above the horizon on the
clearest day. In anything like thick weather he
(40)could not see it at all, and probably he
had never been there. So in the first place, what was
it that impelled him to go on this long journey
to meet his friends, and when so impelled, what
instinct pointed out the way? This of course
(45)merely brings us to the old question of
migratory instinct, but in the case of the
penguin, its horizon is so very short that it is
quite evident he possesses a special sense of
direction, in addition to the special sense
(50)which urged him to go and meet the
Duke of York Island contingent, and I may
here remark that when we were returning to
New Zealand in the summer of 1913, we
passed troops of penguins swimming in the
(55)open sea far out of sight of land,—an
unanswerable reply to those naturalists who
still maintain that migrating birds must rely
upon their eyes for guidance, and this remark
applies equally to the penguins we found on
(60)the northern limits of the pack-ice, some
five hundred miles from the rookeries to
which they would repair the following year.

   According to Pennell, it appears probable
that there is a great hang of pack in the sea
(65)west of Cape Adare and south of the
Balleny Islands, and most likely it is here that
the Adélies repair when they leave Cape
Adare rookery in the autumn. I think,
however, it is safe to assume that they seek
(70)the northernmost limits of the pack
during the winter, as these would offer the
most favourable conditions.

The exact whereabouts of the Adélie
penguins during the winter months has been
(75)much discussed by different writers. It is
agreed that they repair to the pack-ice, but our
knowledge of the movements of this pack is
very vague at the present time, and so
unfortunately I can give but a rough idea of the
(80)subject.

 I have collected and noted down the latest
evidence for the benefit of the zoologists of
future expeditions who may wish to investigate
the matter further, and I am indebted for nearly
(85)the whole of it to Commander Harry L.

Pennell, R.N., commander of the Terra
Nova from 1910 to 1913, who kindly drew up
for me.

Probably the information which more
(90)nearly concerns the penguins of Cape
Adare rookery will be found in the table. The
birds from Cape Crozier and Cape Royds
rookeries must have some four hundred miles
further to travel when they go North in the
autumn than those at Cape Adare.

Note.—Ross, Kristensen, Scott, Shackleton and Pennell all, however, found pack late in the season while trying to work west along the coast when only some forty-five to seventy-five miles north of Cape Adare, and all were turned by this pack

The following passage is excerpted from
Antractica Penguins by G. Murrray levick

On Duke of York Island, some twenty
miles south of the Cape Adare rookery, another
breeding-place has been made. This is a small
colony only, as might be expected. Indeed it is
(5)difficult to see why the penguins chose this
place at all whilst room still exists at the bigger
rookery, because Duke of York Island, until
late in the season, is cut off from open water by
many miles of sea-ice, so that with the
(10)exception of an occasional tide crack, or
seals’ blow holes, the birds of that rookery have
no means of getting food except by making a
long journey on foot. When the arrivals were
streaming up to Cape Adare many were seen to
(15)pass by, making in a straight line for Duke
of York Island, and so adding another twenty
miles on foot to the journey they had already
accomplished.

When the time arrived for the birds to feed,
(20)some open leads had formed about half
way across the bay, and those of the Duke of
York colony were to be seen streaming over
the ice for many miles on their way between
the water and their nests. They seem to think
(25)nothing of long journeys, however, as in
the early season, when unbroken sea-ice
intervened between the two rookeries, parties
of penguins from Cape Adare actually used to
march out and meet their Duke of York friends
(30)half way over, presumably for the pleasure
of a chat.

   To realize what this meant, we must
remember that an Adélie penguin’s eyes being
only about twelve inches above the ground
(35)when on the march, his horizon is only one
mile distant. Thus from Cape Adare he could
just see the top of the mountain on Duke of
York Island peeping above the horizon on the
clearest day. In anything like thick weather he
(40)could not see it at all, and probably he
had never been there. So in the first place, what was
it that impelled him to go on this long journey
to meet his friends, and when so impelled, what
instinct pointed out the way? This of course
(45)merely brings us to the old question of
migratory instinct, but in the case of the
penguin, its horizon is so very short that it is
quite evident he possesses a special sense of
direction, in addition to the special sense
(50)which urged him to go and meet the
Duke of York Island contingent, and I may
here remark that when we were returning to
New Zealand in the summer of 1913, we
passed troops of penguins swimming in the
(55)open sea far out of sight of land,—an
unanswerable reply to those naturalists who
still maintain that migrating birds must rely
upon their eyes for guidance, and this remark
applies equally to the penguins we found on
(60)the northern limits of the pack-ice, some
five hundred miles from the rookeries to
which they would repair the following year.

   According to Pennell, it appears probable
that there is a great hang of pack in the sea
(65)west of Cape Adare and south of the
Balleny Islands, and most likely it is here that
the Adélies repair when they leave Cape
Adare rookery in the autumn. I think,
however, it is safe to assume that they seek
(70)the northernmost limits of the pack
during the winter, as these would offer the
most favourable conditions.

The exact whereabouts of the Adélie
penguins during the winter months has been
(75)much discussed by different writers. It is
agreed that they repair to the pack-ice, but our
knowledge of the movements of this pack is
very vague at the present time, and so
unfortunately I can give but a rough idea of the
(80)subject.

 I have collected and noted down the latest
evidence for the benefit of the zoologists of
future expeditions who may wish to investigate
the matter further, and I am indebted for nearly
(85)the whole of it to Commander Harry L.

Pennell, R.N., commander of the Terra
Nova from 1910 to 1913, who kindly drew up
for me.

Probably the information which more
(90)nearly concerns the penguins of Cape
Adare rookery will be found in the table. The
birds from Cape Crozier and Cape Royds
rookeries must have some four hundred miles
further to travel when they go North in the
autumn than those at Cape Adare.

Note.—Ross, Kristensen, Scott, Shackleton and Pennell all, however, found pack late in the season while trying to work west along the coast when only some forty-five to seventy-five miles north of Cape Adare, and all were turned by this pack

The following passage is excerpted from
Antractica Penguins by G. Murrray levick

On Duke of York Island, some twenty
miles south of the Cape Adare rookery, another
breeding-place has been made. This is a small
colony only, as might be expected. Indeed it is
(5)difficult to see why the penguins chose this
place at all whilst room still exists at the bigger
rookery, because Duke of York Island, until
late in the season, is cut off from open water by
many miles of sea-ice, so that with the
(10)exception of an occasional tide crack, or
seals’ blow holes, the birds of that rookery have
no means of getting food except by making a
long journey on foot. When the arrivals were
streaming up to Cape Adare many were seen to
(15)pass by, making in a straight line for Duke
of York Island, and so adding another twenty
miles on foot to the journey they had already
accomplished.

When the time arrived for the birds to feed,
(20)some open leads had formed about half
way across the bay, and those of the Duke of
York colony were to be seen streaming over
the ice for many miles on their way between
the water and their nests. They seem to think
(25)nothing of long journeys, however, as in
the early season, when unbroken sea-ice
intervened between the two rookeries, parties
of penguins from Cape Adare actually used to
march out and meet their Duke of York friends
(30)half way over, presumably for the pleasure
of a chat.

   To realize what this meant, we must
remember that an Adélie penguin’s eyes being
only about twelve inches above the ground
(35)when on the march, his horizon is only one
mile distant. Thus from Cape Adare he could
just see the top of the mountain on Duke of
York Island peeping above the horizon on the
clearest day. In anything like thick weather he
(40)could not see it at all, and probably he
had never been there. So in the first place, what was
it that impelled him to go on this long journey
to meet his friends, and when so impelled, what
instinct pointed out the way? This of course
(45)merely brings us to the old question of
migratory instinct, but in the case of the
penguin, its horizon is so very short that it is
quite evident he possesses a special sense of
direction, in addition to the special sense
(50)which urged him to go and meet the
Duke of York Island contingent, and I may
here remark that when we were returning to
New Zealand in the summer of 1913, we
passed troops of penguins swimming in the
(55)open sea far out of sight of land,—an
unanswerable reply to those naturalists who
still maintain that migrating birds must rely
upon their eyes for guidance, and this remark
applies equally to the penguins we found on
(60)the northern limits of the pack-ice, some
five hundred miles from the rookeries to
which they would repair the following year.

   According to Pennell, it appears probable
that there is a great hang of pack in the sea
(65)west of Cape Adare and south of the
Balleny Islands, and most likely it is here that
the Adélies repair when they leave Cape
Adare rookery in the autumn. I think,
however, it is safe to assume that they seek
(70)the northernmost limits of the pack
during the winter, as these would offer the
most favourable conditions.

The exact whereabouts of the Adélie
penguins during the winter months has been
(75)much discussed by different writers. It is
agreed that they repair to the pack-ice, but our
knowledge of the movements of this pack is
very vague at the present time, and so
unfortunately I can give but a rough idea of the
(80)subject.

 I have collected and noted down the latest
evidence for the benefit of the zoologists of
future expeditions who may wish to investigate
the matter further, and I am indebted for nearly
(85)the whole of it to Commander Harry L.

Pennell, R.N., commander of the Terra
Nova from 1910 to 1913, who kindly drew up
for me.

Probably the information which more
(90)nearly concerns the penguins of Cape
Adare rookery will be found in the table. The
birds from Cape Crozier and Cape Royds
rookeries must have some four hundred miles
further to travel when they go North in the
autumn than those at Cape Adare.

Note.—Ross, Kristensen, Scott, Shackleton and Pennell all, however, found pack late in the season while trying to work west along the coast when only some forty-five to seventy-five miles north of Cape Adare, and all were turned by this pack

The following passage is excerpted from
Antractica Penguins by G. Murrray levick

On Duke of York Island, some twenty
miles south of the Cape Adare rookery, another
breeding-place has been made. This is a small
colony only, as might be expected. Indeed it is
(5)difficult to see why the penguins chose this
place at all whilst room still exists at the bigger
rookery, because Duke of York Island, until
late in the season, is cut off from open water by
many miles of sea-ice, so that with the
(10)exception of an occasional tide crack, or
seals’ blow holes, the birds of that rookery have
no means of getting food except by making a
long journey on foot. When the arrivals were
streaming up to Cape Adare many were seen to
(15)pass by, making in a straight line for Duke
of York Island, and so adding another twenty
miles on foot to the journey they had already
accomplished.

When the time arrived for the birds to feed,
(20)some open leads had formed about half
way across the bay, and those of the Duke of
York colony were to be seen streaming over
the ice for many miles on their way between
the water and their nests. They seem to think
(25)nothing of long journeys, however, as in
the early season, when unbroken sea-ice
intervened between the two rookeries, parties
of penguins from Cape Adare actually used to
march out and meet their Duke of York friends
(30)half way over, presumably for the pleasure
of a chat.

   To realize what this meant, we must
remember that an Adélie penguin’s eyes being
only about twelve inches above the ground
(35)when on the march, his horizon is only one
mile distant. Thus from Cape Adare he could
just see the top of the mountain on Duke of
York Island peeping above the horizon on the
clearest day. In anything like thick weather he
(40)could not see it at all, and probably he
had never been there. So in the first place, what was
it that impelled him to go on this long journey
to meet his friends, and when so impelled, what
instinct pointed out the way? This of course
(45)merely brings us to the old question of
migratory instinct, but in the case of the
penguin, its horizon is so very short that it is
quite evident he possesses a special sense of
direction, in addition to the special sense
(50)which urged him to go and meet the
Duke of York Island contingent, and I may
here remark that when we were returning to
New Zealand in the summer of 1913, we
passed troops of penguins swimming in the
(55)open sea far out of sight of land,—an
unanswerable reply to those naturalists who
still maintain that migrating birds must rely
upon their eyes for guidance, and this remark
applies equally to the penguins we found on
(60)the northern limits of the pack-ice, some
five hundred miles from the rookeries to
which they would repair the following year.

   According to Pennell, it appears probable
that there is a great hang of pack in the sea
(65)west of Cape Adare and south of the
Balleny Islands, and most likely it is here that
the Adélies repair when they leave Cape
Adare rookery in the autumn. I think,
however, it is safe to assume that they seek
(70)the northernmost limits of the pack
during the winter, as these would offer the
most favourable conditions.

The exact whereabouts of the Adélie
penguins during the winter months has been
(75)much discussed by different writers. It is
agreed that they repair to the pack-ice, but our
knowledge of the movements of this pack is
very vague at the present time, and so
unfortunately I can give but a rough idea of the
(80)subject.

 I have collected and noted down the latest
evidence for the benefit of the zoologists of
future expeditions who may wish to investigate
the matter further, and I am indebted for nearly
(85)the whole of it to Commander Harry L.

Pennell, R.N., commander of the Terra
Nova from 1910 to 1913, who kindly drew up
for me.

Probably the information which more
(90)nearly concerns the penguins of Cape
Adare rookery will be found in the table. The
birds from Cape Crozier and Cape Royds
rookeries must have some four hundred miles
further to travel when they go North in the
autumn than those at Cape Adare.

Note.—Ross, Kristensen, Scott, Shackleton and Pennell all, however, found pack late in the season while trying to work west along the coast when only some forty-five to seventy-five miles north of Cape Adare, and all were turned by this pack

The passage is excerpted from “Gulliver travel”
by Johnson swift

Although I intend to leave the description of this empire
to a particular treatise, yet, in the mean time, I am content
to gratify the curious reader with some general ideas. As
the common size of the natives is somewhat under six
(5)inches high, so there is an exact proportion in all other
animals, as well as plants and trees: for instance, the
tallest horses and oxen are between four and five inches
in height, the sheep an inch and half, more or less: their
geese about the bigness of a sparrow, and so the several
(10)gradations downwards till you come to the smallest,
which to my sight, were almost invisible; but nature has
adapted the eyes of the Lilliputians to all objects proper
for their view: they see with great exactness, but at no
great distance. And, to show the sharpness of their sight
(15)towards objects that are near, I have been much
pleased with observing a cook pulling a lark, which was
not so large as a common fly; and a young girl threading
an invisible needle with invisible silk. Their tallest trees
are about seven feet high: I mean some of those in the
(20)great royal park, the tops whereof I could but just
reach with my fist clenched. The other vegetables are in
the same proportion; but this I leave to the reader’s
imagination.

I shall say but little at present of their learning, which,
(25)for many ages, has flourished in all its branches
among them: but their manner of writing is very peculiar,
being neither from the left to the right, like the Europeans,
nor from the right to the left, like the Arabians, nor from
up to down, like the Chinese, but aslant, from one corner
(30)of the paper to the other, like ladies in England.

They bury their dead with their heads directly
downward, because they hold an opinion, that in eleven
thousand moons they are all to rise again; in which period
the earth (which they conceive to be flat) will turn upside
(35)down, and by this means they shall, at their
resurrection, be found ready standing on their feet. The
learned among them confess the absurdity of this
doctrine; but the practice still continues, in compliance to
the vulgar.

(40)There are some laws and customs in this empire
very peculiar; and if they were not so directly contrary to
those of my own dear country, I should be tempted to say
a little in their justification. It is only to be wished they
were as well executed. The first I shall mention, relates to
(45)informers. All crimes against the state,
are punished here with the utmost severity; but, if the
person accused makes his innocence plainly to appear
upon his trial, the accuser is immediately put to an
ignominious death; and out of his goods or lands the
(50)innocent person is quadruply recompensed for the
loss of his time, for the danger he underwent, for the
hardship of his imprisonment, and for all the charges he
has been at in making his defence; or, if that fund be
deficient, it is largely supplied by the crown. The
(55)emperor also confers on him some public mark of
his favour, and proclamation is made of his innocence
through the whole city.

They look upon fraud as a greater crime than theft,
and therefore seldom fail to punish it with death; for
(60)they allege, that care and vigilance, with a very
common understanding, may preserve a man’s goods
from thieves, but honesty has no defence against
superior cunning; and, since it is necessary that there
should be a perpetual intercourse of buying and
(65)selling, and dealing upon credit, where fraud is
permitted and connived at, or has no law to punish it,
the honest dealer is always undone, and the knave
gets the advantage. I remember, when I was once
interceding with the emperor for a criminal who had
(70)wronged his master of a great sum of money,
which he had received by order and ran away with;
and happening to tell his majesty, by way of
extenuation, that it was only a breach of trust, the
emperor thought it monstrous in me to offer as a
(75)defence the greatest aggravation of the crime;
and truly I had little to say in return, farther than the
common answer, that different nations had different
customs; for, I confess, I was heartily ashamed. 

Although we usually call reward and punishment
(80)the two hinges upon which all government turns,
yet I could never observe this maxim to be put in
practice by any nation except that of Lilliput. Whoever
can there bring sufficient proof, that he has strictly
(85)observed the laws of his country for seventy-three
moons, has a claim to certain privileges, according to
his quality or condition of life, with a proportionable
sum of money out of a fund appropriated for that use:
he likewise acquires the title of snilpall, or legal, which
(90)is added to his name, but does not descend to his
posterity. And these people thought it a prodigious defect of
policy among us, when I told them that our laws were
enforced only by penalties, without any mention of reward. It
is upon this account that the image of Justice, in their courts
(95)of judicature, is formed with six eyes, two before, as many
behind, and on each side one, to signify circumspection; with
a bag of gold open in her right hand, and a sword sheathed in
her left, to show she is more disposed to reward than to
punish.

The passage is excerpted from “Gulliver travel”
by Johnson swift

Although I intend to leave the description of this empire
to a particular treatise, yet, in the mean time, I am content
to gratify the curious reader with some general ideas. As
the common size of the natives is somewhat under six
(5)inches high, so there is an exact proportion in all other
animals, as well as plants and trees: for instance, the
tallest horses and oxen are between four and five inches
in height, the sheep an inch and half, more or less: their
geese about the bigness of a sparrow, and so the several
(10)gradations downwards till you come to the smallest,
which to my sight, were almost invisible; but nature has
adapted the eyes of the Lilliputians to all objects proper
for their view: they see with great exactness, but at no
great distance. And, to show the sharpness of their sight
(15)towards objects that are near, I have been much
pleased with observing a cook pulling a lark, which was
not so large as a common fly; and a young girl threading
an invisible needle with invisible silk. Their tallest trees
are about seven feet high: I mean some of those in the
(20)great royal park, the tops whereof I could but just
reach with my fist clenched. The other vegetables are in
the same proportion; but this I leave to the reader’s
imagination.

I shall say but little at present of their learning, which,
(25)for many ages, has flourished in all its branches
among them: but their manner of writing is very peculiar,
being neither from the left to the right, like the Europeans,
nor from the right to the left, like the Arabians, nor from
up to down, like the Chinese, but aslant, from one corner
(30)of the paper to the other, like ladies in England.

They bury their dead with their heads directly
downward, because they hold an opinion, that in eleven
thousand moons they are all to rise again; in which period
the earth (which they conceive to be flat) will turn upside
(35)down, and by this means they shall, at their
resurrection, be found ready standing on their feet. The
learned among them confess the absurdity of this
doctrine; but the practice still continues, in compliance to
the vulgar.

(40)There are some laws and customs in this empire
very peculiar; and if they were not so directly contrary to
those of my own dear country, I should be tempted to say
a little in their justification. It is only to be wished they
were as well executed. The first I shall mention, relates to
(45)informers. All crimes against the state,
are punished here with the utmost severity; but, if the
person accused makes his innocence plainly to appear
upon his trial, the accuser is immediately put to an
ignominious death; and out of his goods or lands the
(50)innocent person is quadruply recompensed for the
loss of his time, for the danger he underwent, for the
hardship of his imprisonment, and for all the charges he
has been at in making his defence; or, if that fund be
deficient, it is largely supplied by the crown. The
(55)emperor also confers on him some public mark of
his favour, and proclamation is made of his innocence
through the whole city.

They look upon fraud as a greater crime than theft,
and therefore seldom fail to punish it with death; for
(60)they allege, that care and vigilance, with a very
common understanding, may preserve a man’s goods
from thieves, but honesty has no defence against
superior cunning; and, since it is necessary that there
should be a perpetual intercourse of buying and
(65)selling, and dealing upon credit, where fraud is
permitted and connived at, or has no law to punish it,
the honest dealer is always undone, and the knave
gets the advantage. I remember, when I was once
interceding with the emperor for a criminal who had
(70)wronged his master of a great sum of money,
which he had received by order and ran away with;
and happening to tell his majesty, by way of
extenuation, that it was only a breach of trust, the
emperor thought it monstrous in me to offer as a
(75)defence the greatest aggravation of the crime;
and truly I had little to say in return, farther than the
common answer, that different nations had different
customs; for, I confess, I was heartily ashamed. 

Although we usually call reward and punishment
(80)the two hinges upon which all government turns,
yet I could never observe this maxim to be put in
practice by any nation except that of Lilliput. Whoever
can there bring sufficient proof, that he has strictly
(85)observed the laws of his country for seventy-three
moons, has a claim to certain privileges, according to
his quality or condition of life, with a proportionable
sum of money out of a fund appropriated for that use:
he likewise acquires the title of snilpall, or legal, which
(90)is added to his name, but does not descend to his
posterity. And these people thought it a prodigious defect of
policy among us, when I told them that our laws were
enforced only by penalties, without any mention of reward. It
is upon this account that the image of Justice, in their courts
(95)of judicature, is formed with six eyes, two before, as many
behind, and on each side one, to signify circumspection; with
a bag of gold open in her right hand, and a sword sheathed in
her left, to show she is more disposed to reward than to
punish.

The passage is excerpted from “Gulliver travel”
by Johnson swift

Although I intend to leave the description of this empire
to a particular treatise, yet, in the mean time, I am content
to gratify the curious reader with some general ideas. As
the common size of the natives is somewhat under six
(5)inches high, so there is an exact proportion in all other
animals, as well as plants and trees: for instance, the
tallest horses and oxen are between four and five inches
in height, the sheep an inch and half, more or less: their
geese about the bigness of a sparrow, and so the several
(10)gradations downwards till you come to the smallest,
which to my sight, were almost invisible; but nature has
adapted the eyes of the Lilliputians to all objects proper
for their view: they see with great exactness, but at no
great distance. And, to show the sharpness of their sight
(15)towards objects that are near, I have been much
pleased with observing a cook pulling a lark, which was
not so large as a common fly; and a young girl threading
an invisible needle with invisible silk. Their tallest trees
are about seven feet high: I mean some of those in the
(20)great royal park, the tops whereof I could but just
reach with my fist clenched. The other vegetables are in
the same proportion; but this I leave to the reader’s
imagination.

I shall say but little at present of their learning, which,
(25)for many ages, has flourished in all its branches
among them: but their manner of writing is very peculiar,
being neither from the left to the right, like the Europeans,
nor from the right to the left, like the Arabians, nor from
up to down, like the Chinese, but aslant, from one corner
(30)of the paper to the other, like ladies in England.

They bury their dead with their heads directly
downward, because they hold an opinion, that in eleven
thousand moons they are all to rise again; in which period
the earth (which they conceive to be flat) will turn upside
(35)down, and by this means they shall, at their
resurrection, be found ready standing on their feet. The
learned among them confess the absurdity of this
doctrine; but the practice still continues, in compliance to
the vulgar.

(40)There are some laws and customs in this empire
very peculiar; and if they were not so directly contrary to
those of my own dear country, I should be tempted to say
a little in their justification. It is only to be wished they
were as well executed. The first I shall mention, relates to
(45)informers. All crimes against the state,
are punished here with the utmost severity; but, if the
person accused makes his innocence plainly to appear
upon his trial, the accuser is immediately put to an
ignominious death; and out of his goods or lands the
(50)innocent person is quadruply recompensed for the
loss of his time, for the danger he underwent, for the
hardship of his imprisonment, and for all the charges he
has been at in making his defence; or, if that fund be
deficient, it is largely supplied by the crown. The
(55)emperor also confers on him some public mark of
his favour, and proclamation is made of his innocence
through the whole city.

They look upon fraud as a greater crime than theft,
and therefore seldom fail to punish it with death; for
(60)they allege, that care and vigilance, with a very
common understanding, may preserve a man’s goods
from thieves, but honesty has no defence against
superior cunning; and, since it is necessary that there
should be a perpetual intercourse of buying and
(65)selling, and dealing upon credit, where fraud is
permitted and connived at, or has no law to punish it,
the honest dealer is always undone, and the knave
gets the advantage. I remember, when I was once
interceding with the emperor for a criminal who had
(70)wronged his master of a great sum of money,
which he had received by order and ran away with;
and happening to tell his majesty, by way of
extenuation, that it was only a breach of trust, the
emperor thought it monstrous in me to offer as a
(75)defence the greatest aggravation of the crime;
and truly I had little to say in return, farther than the
common answer, that different nations had different
customs; for, I confess, I was heartily ashamed. 

Although we usually call reward and punishment
(80)the two hinges upon which all government turns,
yet I could never observe this maxim to be put in
practice by any nation except that of Lilliput. Whoever
can there bring sufficient proof, that he has strictly
(85)observed the laws of his country for seventy-three
moons, has a claim to certain privileges, according to
his quality or condition of life, with a proportionable
sum of money out of a fund appropriated for that use:
he likewise acquires the title of snilpall, or legal, which
(90)is added to his name, but does not descend to his
posterity. And these people thought it a prodigious defect of
policy among us, when I told them that our laws were
enforced only by penalties, without any mention of reward. It
is upon this account that the image of Justice, in their courts
(95)of judicature, is formed with six eyes, two before, as many
behind, and on each side one, to signify circumspection; with
a bag of gold open in her right hand, and a sword sheathed in
her left, to show she is more disposed to reward than to
punish.

The passage is excerpted from “Gulliver travel”
by Johnson swift

Although I intend to leave the description of this empire
to a particular treatise, yet, in the mean time, I am content
to gratify the curious reader with some general ideas. As
the common size of the natives is somewhat under six
(5)inches high, so there is an exact proportion in all other
animals, as well as plants and trees: for instance, the
tallest horses and oxen are between four and five inches
in height, the sheep an inch and half, more or less: their
geese about the bigness of a sparrow, and so the several
(10)gradations downwards till you come to the smallest,
which to my sight, were almost invisible; but nature has
adapted the eyes of the Lilliputians to all objects proper
for their view: they see with great exactness, but at no
great distance. And, to show the sharpness of their sight
(15)towards objects that are near, I have been much
pleased with observing a cook pulling a lark, which was
not so large as a common fly; and a young girl threading
an invisible needle with invisible silk. Their tallest trees
are about seven feet high: I mean some of those in the
(20)great royal park, the tops whereof I could but just
reach with my fist clenched. The other vegetables are in
the same proportion; but this I leave to the reader’s
imagination.

I shall say but little at present of their learning, which,
(25)for many ages, has flourished in all its branches
among them: but their manner of writing is very peculiar,
being neither from the left to the right, like the Europeans,
nor from the right to the left, like the Arabians, nor from
up to down, like the Chinese, but aslant, from one corner
(30)of the paper to the other, like ladies in England.

They bury their dead with their heads directly
downward, because they hold an opinion, that in eleven
thousand moons they are all to rise again; in which period
the earth (which they conceive to be flat) will turn upside
(35)down, and by this means they shall, at their
resurrection, be found ready standing on their feet. The
learned among them confess the absurdity of this
doctrine; but the practice still continues, in compliance to
the vulgar.

(40)There are some laws and customs in this empire
very peculiar; and if they were not so directly contrary to
those of my own dear country, I should be tempted to say
a little in their justification. It is only to be wished they
were as well executed. The first I shall mention, relates to
(45)informers. All crimes against the state,
are punished here with the utmost severity; but, if the
person accused makes his innocence plainly to appear
upon his trial, the accuser is immediately put to an
ignominious death; and out of his goods or lands the
(50)innocent person is quadruply recompensed for the
loss of his time, for the danger he underwent, for the
hardship of his imprisonment, and for all the charges he
has been at in making his defence; or, if that fund be
deficient, it is largely supplied by the crown. The
(55)emperor also confers on him some public mark of
his favour, and proclamation is made of his innocence
through the whole city.

They look upon fraud as a greater crime than theft,
and therefore seldom fail to punish it with death; for
(60)they allege, that care and vigilance, with a very
common understanding, may preserve a man’s goods
from thieves, but honesty has no defence against
superior cunning; and, since it is necessary that there
should be a perpetual intercourse of buying and
(65)selling, and dealing upon credit, where fraud is
permitted and connived at, or has no law to punish it,
the honest dealer is always undone, and the knave
gets the advantage. I remember, when I was once
interceding with the emperor for a criminal who had
(70)wronged his master of a great sum of money,
which he had received by order and ran away with;
and happening to tell his majesty, by way of
extenuation, that it was only a breach of trust, the
emperor thought it monstrous in me to offer as a
(75)defence the greatest aggravation of the crime;
and truly I had little to say in return, farther than the
common answer, that different nations had different
customs; for, I confess, I was heartily ashamed. 

Although we usually call reward and punishment
(80)the two hinges upon which all government turns,
yet I could never observe this maxim to be put in
practice by any nation except that of Lilliput. Whoever
can there bring sufficient proof, that he has strictly
(85)observed the laws of his country for seventy-three
moons, has a claim to certain privileges, according to
his quality or condition of life, with a proportionable
sum of money out of a fund appropriated for that use:
he likewise acquires the title of snilpall, or legal, which
(90)is added to his name, but does not descend to his
posterity. And these people thought it a prodigious defect of
policy among us, when I told them that our laws were
enforced only by penalties, without any mention of reward. It
is upon this account that the image of Justice, in their courts
(95)of judicature, is formed with six eyes, two before, as many
behind, and on each side one, to signify circumspection; with
a bag of gold open in her right hand, and a sword sheathed in
her left, to show she is more disposed to reward than to
punish.

The passage is excerpted from “Gulliver travel”
by Johnson swift

Although I intend to leave the description of this empire
to a particular treatise, yet, in the mean time, I am content
to gratify the curious reader with some general ideas. As
the common size of the natives is somewhat under six
(5)inches high, so there is an exact proportion in all other
animals, as well as plants and trees: for instance, the
tallest horses and oxen are between four and five inches
in height, the sheep an inch and half, more or less: their
geese about the bigness of a sparrow, and so the several
(10)gradations downwards till you come to the smallest,
which to my sight, were almost invisible; but nature has
adapted the eyes of the Lilliputians to all objects proper
for their view: they see with great exactness, but at no
great distance. And, to show the sharpness of their sight
(15)towards objects that are near, I have been much
pleased with observing a cook pulling a lark, which was
not so large as a common fly; and a young girl threading
an invisible needle with invisible silk. Their tallest trees
are about seven feet high: I mean some of those in the
(20)great royal park, the tops whereof I could but just
reach with my fist clenched. The other vegetables are in
the same proportion; but this I leave to the reader’s
imagination.

I shall say but little at present of their learning, which,
(25)for many ages, has flourished in all its branches
among them: but their manner of writing is very peculiar,
being neither from the left to the right, like the Europeans,
nor from the right to the left, like the Arabians, nor from
up to down, like the Chinese, but aslant, from one corner
(30)of the paper to the other, like ladies in England.

They bury their dead with their heads directly
downward, because they hold an opinion, that in eleven
thousand moons they are all to rise again; in which period
the earth (which they conceive to be flat) will turn upside
(35)down, and by this means they shall, at their
resurrection, be found ready standing on their feet. The
learned among them confess the absurdity of this
doctrine; but the practice still continues, in compliance to
the vulgar.

(40)There are some laws and customs in this empire
very peculiar; and if they were not so directly contrary to
those of my own dear country, I should be tempted to say
a little in their justification. It is only to be wished they
were as well executed. The first I shall mention, relates to
(45)informers. All crimes against the state,
are punished here with the utmost severity; but, if the
person accused makes his innocence plainly to appear
upon his trial, the accuser is immediately put to an
ignominious death; and out of his goods or lands the
(50)innocent person is quadruply recompensed for the
loss of his time, for the danger he underwent, for the
hardship of his imprisonment, and for all the charges he
has been at in making his defence; or, if that fund be
deficient, it is largely supplied by the crown. The
(55)emperor also confers on him some public mark of
his favour, and proclamation is made of his innocence
through the whole city.

They look upon fraud as a greater crime than theft,
and therefore seldom fail to punish it with death; for
(60)they allege, that care and vigilance, with a very
common understanding, may preserve a man’s goods
from thieves, but honesty has no defence against
superior cunning; and, since it is necessary that there
should be a perpetual intercourse of buying and
(65)selling, and dealing upon credit, where fraud is
permitted and connived at, or has no law to punish it,
the honest dealer is always undone, and the knave
gets the advantage. I remember, when I was once
interceding with the emperor for a criminal who had
(70)wronged his master of a great sum of money,
which he had received by order and ran away with;
and happening to tell his majesty, by way of
extenuation, that it was only a breach of trust, the
emperor thought it monstrous in me to offer as a
(75)defence the greatest aggravation of the crime;
and truly I had little to say in return, farther than the
common answer, that different nations had different
customs; for, I confess, I was heartily ashamed. 

Although we usually call reward and punishment
(80)the two hinges upon which all government turns,
yet I could never observe this maxim to be put in
practice by any nation except that of Lilliput. Whoever
can there bring sufficient proof, that he has strictly
(85)observed the laws of his country for seventy-three
moons, has a claim to certain privileges, according to
his quality or condition of life, with a proportionable
sum of money out of a fund appropriated for that use:
he likewise acquires the title of snilpall, or legal, which
(90)is added to his name, but does not descend to his
posterity. And these people thought it a prodigious defect of
policy among us, when I told them that our laws were
enforced only by penalties, without any mention of reward. It
is upon this account that the image of Justice, in their courts
(95)of judicature, is formed with six eyes, two before, as many
behind, and on each side one, to signify circumspection; with
a bag of gold open in her right hand, and a sword sheathed in
her left, to show she is more disposed to reward than to
punish.

The passage is excerpted from “Gulliver travel”
by Johnson swift

Although I intend to leave the description of this empire
to a particular treatise, yet, in the mean time, I am content
to gratify the curious reader with some general ideas. As
the common size of the natives is somewhat under six
(5)inches high, so there is an exact proportion in all other
animals, as well as plants and trees: for instance, the
tallest horses and oxen are between four and five inches
in height, the sheep an inch and half, more or less: their
geese about the bigness of a sparrow, and so the several
(10)gradations downwards till you come to the smallest,
which to my sight, were almost invisible; but nature has
adapted the eyes of the Lilliputians to all objects proper
for their view: they see with great exactness, but at no
great distance. And, to show the sharpness of their sight
(15)towards objects that are near, I have been much
pleased with observing a cook pulling a lark, which was
not so large as a common fly; and a young girl threading
an invisible needle with invisible silk. Their tallest trees
are about seven feet high: I mean some of those in the
(20)great royal park, the tops whereof I could but just
reach with my fist clenched. The other vegetables are in
the same proportion; but this I leave to the reader’s
imagination.

I shall say but little at present of their learning, which,
(25)for many ages, has flourished in all its branches
among them: but their manner of writing is very peculiar,
being neither from the left to the right, like the Europeans,
nor from the right to the left, like the Arabians, nor from
up to down, like the Chinese, but aslant, from one corner
(30)of the paper to the other, like ladies in England.

They bury their dead with their heads directly
downward, because they hold an opinion, that in eleven
thousand moons they are all to rise again; in which period
the earth (which they conceive to be flat) will turn upside
(35)down, and by this means they shall, at their
resurrection, be found ready standing on their feet. The
learned among them confess the absurdity of this
doctrine; but the practice still continues, in compliance to
the vulgar.

(40)There are some laws and customs in this empire
very peculiar; and if they were not so directly contrary to
those of my own dear country, I should be tempted to say
a little in their justification. It is only to be wished they
were as well executed. The first I shall mention, relates to
(45)informers. All crimes against the state,
are punished here with the utmost severity; but, if the
person accused makes his innocence plainly to appear
upon his trial, the accuser is immediately put to an
ignominious death; and out of his goods or lands the
(50)innocent person is quadruply recompensed for the
loss of his time, for the danger he underwent, for the
hardship of his imprisonment, and for all the charges he
has been at in making his defence; or, if that fund be
deficient, it is largely supplied by the crown. The
(55)emperor also confers on him some public mark of
his favour, and proclamation is made of his innocence
through the whole city.

They look upon fraud as a greater crime than theft,
and therefore seldom fail to punish it with death; for
(60)they allege, that care and vigilance, with a very
common understanding, may preserve a man’s goods
from thieves, but honesty has no defence against
superior cunning; and, since it is necessary that there
should be a perpetual intercourse of buying and
(65)selling, and dealing upon credit, where fraud is
permitted and connived at, or has no law to punish it,
the honest dealer is always undone, and the knave
gets the advantage. I remember, when I was once
interceding with the emperor for a criminal who had
(70)wronged his master of a great sum of money,
which he had received by order and ran away with;
and happening to tell his majesty, by way of
extenuation, that it was only a breach of trust, the
emperor thought it monstrous in me to offer as a
(75)defence the greatest aggravation of the crime;
and truly I had little to say in return, farther than the
common answer, that different nations had different
customs; for, I confess, I was heartily ashamed. 

Although we usually call reward and punishment
(80)the two hinges upon which all government turns,
yet I could never observe this maxim to be put in
practice by any nation except that of Lilliput. Whoever
can there bring sufficient proof, that he has strictly
(85)observed the laws of his country for seventy-three
moons, has a claim to certain privileges, according to
his quality or condition of life, with a proportionable
sum of money out of a fund appropriated for that use:
he likewise acquires the title of snilpall, or legal, which
(90)is added to his name, but does not descend to his
posterity. And these people thought it a prodigious defect of
policy among us, when I told them that our laws were
enforced only by penalties, without any mention of reward. It
is upon this account that the image of Justice, in their courts
(95)of judicature, is formed with six eyes, two before, as many
behind, and on each side one, to signify circumspection; with
a bag of gold open in her right hand, and a sword sheathed in
her left, to show she is more disposed to reward than to
punish.

The passage is excerpted from “Gulliver travel”
by Johnson swift

Although I intend to leave the description of this empire
to a particular treatise, yet, in the mean time, I am content
to gratify the curious reader with some general ideas. As
the common size of the natives is somewhat under six
(5)inches high, so there is an exact proportion in all other
animals, as well as plants and trees: for instance, the
tallest horses and oxen are between four and five inches
in height, the sheep an inch and half, more or less: their
geese about the bigness of a sparrow, and so the several
(10)gradations downwards till you come to the smallest,
which to my sight, were almost invisible; but nature has
adapted the eyes of the Lilliputians to all objects proper
for their view: they see with great exactness, but at no
great distance. And, to show the sharpness of their sight
(15)towards objects that are near, I have been much
pleased with observing a cook pulling a lark, which was
not so large as a common fly; and a young girl threading
an invisible needle with invisible silk. Their tallest trees
are about seven feet high: I mean some of those in the
(20)great royal park, the tops whereof I could but just
reach with my fist clenched. The other vegetables are in
the same proportion; but this I leave to the reader’s
imagination.

I shall say but little at present of their learning, which,
(25)for many ages, has flourished in all its branches
among them: but their manner of writing is very peculiar,
being neither from the left to the right, like the Europeans,
nor from the right to the left, like the Arabians, nor from
up to down, like the Chinese, but aslant, from one corner
(30)of the paper to the other, like ladies in England.

They bury their dead with their heads directly
downward, because they hold an opinion, that in eleven
thousand moons they are all to rise again; in which period
the earth (which they conceive to be flat) will turn upside
(35)down, and by this means they shall, at their
resurrection, be found ready standing on their feet. The
learned among them confess the absurdity of this
doctrine; but the practice still continues, in compliance to
the vulgar.

(40)There are some laws and customs in this empire
very peculiar; and if they were not so directly contrary to
those of my own dear country, I should be tempted to say
a little in their justification. It is only to be wished they
were as well executed. The first I shall mention, relates to
(45)informers. All crimes against the state,
are punished here with the utmost severity; but, if the
person accused makes his innocence plainly to appear
upon his trial, the accuser is immediately put to an
ignominious death; and out of his goods or lands the
(50)innocent person is quadruply recompensed for the
loss of his time, for the danger he underwent, for the
hardship of his imprisonment, and for all the charges he
has been at in making his defence; or, if that fund be
deficient, it is largely supplied by the crown. The
(55)emperor also confers on him some public mark of
his favour, and proclamation is made of his innocence
through the whole city.

They look upon fraud as a greater crime than theft,
and therefore seldom fail to punish it with death; for
(60)they allege, that care and vigilance, with a very
common understanding, may preserve a man’s goods
from thieves, but honesty has no defence against
superior cunning; and, since it is necessary that there
should be a perpetual intercourse of buying and
(65)selling, and dealing upon credit, where fraud is
permitted and connived at, or has no law to punish it,
the honest dealer is always undone, and the knave
gets the advantage. I remember, when I was once
interceding with the emperor for a criminal who had
(70)wronged his master of a great sum of money,
which he had received by order and ran away with;
and happening to tell his majesty, by way of
extenuation, that it was only a breach of trust, the
emperor thought it monstrous in me to offer as a
(75)defence the greatest aggravation of the crime;
and truly I had little to say in return, farther than the
common answer, that different nations had different
customs; for, I confess, I was heartily ashamed. 

Although we usually call reward and punishment
(80)the two hinges upon which all government turns,
yet I could never observe this maxim to be put in
practice by any nation except that of Lilliput. Whoever
can there bring sufficient proof, that he has strictly
(85)observed the laws of his country for seventy-three
moons, has a claim to certain privileges, according to
his quality or condition of life, with a proportionable
sum of money out of a fund appropriated for that use:
he likewise acquires the title of snilpall, or legal, which
(90)is added to his name, but does not descend to his
posterity. And these people thought it a prodigious defect of
policy among us, when I told them that our laws were
enforced only by penalties, without any mention of reward. It
is upon this account that the image of Justice, in their courts
(95)of judicature, is formed with six eyes, two before, as many
behind, and on each side one, to signify circumspection; with
a bag of gold open in her right hand, and a sword sheathed in
her left, to show she is more disposed to reward than to
punish.

The passage is excerpted from “Gulliver travel”
by Johnson swift

Although I intend to leave the description of this empire
to a particular treatise, yet, in the mean time, I am content
to gratify the curious reader with some general ideas. As
the common size of the natives is somewhat under six
(5)inches high, so there is an exact proportion in all other
animals, as well as plants and trees: for instance, the
tallest horses and oxen are between four and five inches
in height, the sheep an inch and half, more or less: their
geese about the bigness of a sparrow, and so the several
(10)gradations downwards till you come to the smallest,
which to my sight, were almost invisible; but nature has
adapted the eyes of the Lilliputians to all objects proper
for their view: they see with great exactness, but at no
great distance. And, to show the sharpness of their sight
(15)towards objects that are near, I have been much
pleased with observing a cook pulling a lark, which was
not so large as a common fly; and a young girl threading
an invisible needle with invisible silk. Their tallest trees
are about seven feet high: I mean some of those in the
(20)great royal park, the tops whereof I could but just
reach with my fist clenched. The other vegetables are in
the same proportion; but this I leave to the reader’s
imagination.

I shall say but little at present of their learning, which,
(25)for many ages, has flourished in all its branches
among them: but their manner of writing is very peculiar,
being neither from the left to the right, like the Europeans,
nor from the right to the left, like the Arabians, nor from
up to down, like the Chinese, but aslant, from one corner
(30)of the paper to the other, like ladies in England.

They bury their dead with their heads directly
downward, because they hold an opinion, that in eleven
thousand moons they are all to rise again; in which period
the earth (which they conceive to be flat) will turn upside
(35)down, and by this means they shall, at their
resurrection, be found ready standing on their feet. The
learned among them confess the absurdity of this
doctrine; but the practice still continues, in compliance to
the vulgar.

(40)There are some laws and customs in this empire
very peculiar; and if they were not so directly contrary to
those of my own dear country, I should be tempted to say
a little in their justification. It is only to be wished they
were as well executed. The first I shall mention, relates to
(45)informers. All crimes against the state,
are punished here with the utmost severity; but, if the
person accused makes his innocence plainly to appear
upon his trial, the accuser is immediately put to an
ignominious death; and out of his goods or lands the
(50)innocent person is quadruply recompensed for the
loss of his time, for the danger he underwent, for the
hardship of his imprisonment, and for all the charges he
has been at in making his defence; or, if that fund be
deficient, it is largely supplied by the crown. The
(55)emperor also confers on him some public mark of
his favour, and proclamation is made of his innocence
through the whole city.

They look upon fraud as a greater crime than theft,
and therefore seldom fail to punish it with death; for
(60)they allege, that care and vigilance, with a very
common understanding, may preserve a man’s goods
from thieves, but honesty has no defence against
superior cunning; and, since it is necessary that there
should be a perpetual intercourse of buying and
(65)selling, and dealing upon credit, where fraud is
permitted and connived at, or has no law to punish it,
the honest dealer is always undone, and the knave
gets the advantage. I remember, when I was once
interceding with the emperor for a criminal who had
(70)wronged his master of a great sum of money,
which he had received by order and ran away with;
and happening to tell his majesty, by way of
extenuation, that it was only a breach of trust, the
emperor thought it monstrous in me to offer as a
(75)defence the greatest aggravation of the crime;
and truly I had little to say in return, farther than the
common answer, that different nations had different
customs; for, I confess, I was heartily ashamed. 

Although we usually call reward and punishment
(80)the two hinges upon which all government turns,
yet I could never observe this maxim to be put in
practice by any nation except that of Lilliput. Whoever
can there bring sufficient proof, that he has strictly
(85)observed the laws of his country for seventy-three
moons, has a claim to certain privileges, according to
his quality or condition of life, with a proportionable
sum of money out of a fund appropriated for that use:
he likewise acquires the title of snilpall, or legal, which
(90)is added to his name, but does not descend to his
posterity. And these people thought it a prodigious defect of
policy among us, when I told them that our laws were
enforced only by penalties, without any mention of reward. It
is upon this account that the image of Justice, in their courts
(95)of judicature, is formed with six eyes, two before, as many
behind, and on each side one, to signify circumspection; with
a bag of gold open in her right hand, and a sword sheathed in
her left, to show she is more disposed to reward than to
punish.

Chiromancy and Physiognomy are both based on astrology
and are, therefore, quite in place as the second and third parts
(20)of a work treating of the influence of the stars. Many of
the modern writers on Chiromancy seem disposed to deny its
affinity to astrology, with which it is, however, inseparably
connected. Dr. Saunders, in the preface to his exhaustive work
on Chiromancy and Physiognomy, published in 1671, and
(25)dedicated to his friend Lilly, the great astrologer, says
: “For our more orderly proceeding with the body of this work,
it is in the first place necessary to be observed that there are
seven planets, named Stellæ Errantes—wandering stars
—which have each of them its separate character as they are used
(30)in astrologie; the which stars have great power over
inferior bodies and do, each of them, govern some part or
other of man’s body and they especially have their material
existence in the hand and without astrology Chiromancy
could not subsist and be subservient to true wisdom.”

Chiromancy and Physiognomy are both based on astrology
and are, therefore, quite in place as the second and third parts
(20)of a work treating of the influence of the stars. Many of
the modern writers on Chiromancy seem disposed to deny its
affinity to astrology, with which it is, however, inseparably
connected. Dr. Saunders, in the preface to his exhaustive work
on Chiromancy and Physiognomy, published in 1671, and
(25)dedicated to his friend Lilly, the great astrologer, says
: “For our more orderly proceeding with the body of this work,
it is in the first place necessary to be observed that there are
seven planets, named Stellæ Errantes—wandering stars
—which have each of them its separate character as they are used
(30)in astrologie; the which stars have great power over
inferior bodies and do, each of them, govern some part or
other of man’s body and they especially have their material
existence in the hand and without astrology Chiromancy
could not subsist and be subservient to true wisdom.”

Chiromancy and Physiognomy are both based on astrology
and are, therefore, quite in place as the second and third parts
(20)of a work treating of the influence of the stars. Many of
the modern writers on Chiromancy seem disposed to deny its
affinity to astrology, with which it is, however, inseparably
connected. Dr. Saunders, in the preface to his exhaustive work
on Chiromancy and Physiognomy, published in 1671, and
(25)dedicated to his friend Lilly, the great astrologer, says
: “For our more orderly proceeding with the body of this work,
it is in the first place necessary to be observed that there are
seven planets, named Stellæ Errantes—wandering stars
—which have each of them its separate character as they are used
(30)in astrologie; the which stars have great power over
inferior bodies and do, each of them, govern some part or
other of man’s body and they especially have their material
existence in the hand and without astrology Chiromancy
could not subsist and be subservient to true wisdom.”

Chiromancy and Physiognomy are both based on astrology
and are, therefore, quite in place as the second and third parts
(20)of a work treating of the influence of the stars. Many of
the modern writers on Chiromancy seem disposed to deny its
affinity to astrology, with which it is, however, inseparably
connected. Dr. Saunders, in the preface to his exhaustive work
on Chiromancy and Physiognomy, published in 1671, and
(25)dedicated to his friend Lilly, the great astrologer, says
: “For our more orderly proceeding with the body of this work,
it is in the first place necessary to be observed that there are
seven planets, named Stellæ Errantes—wandering stars
—which have each of them its separate character as they are used
(30)in astrologie; the which stars have great power over
inferior bodies and do, each of them, govern some part or
other of man’s body and they especially have their material
existence in the hand and without astrology Chiromancy
could not subsist and be subservient to true wisdom.”

Chiromancy and Physiognomy are both based on astrology
and are, therefore, quite in place as the second and third parts
(20)of a work treating of the influence of the stars. Many of
the modern writers on Chiromancy seem disposed to deny its
affinity to astrology, with which it is, however, inseparably
connected. Dr. Saunders, in the preface to his exhaustive work
on Chiromancy and Physiognomy, published in 1671, and
(25)dedicated to his friend Lilly, the great astrologer, says
: “For our more orderly proceeding with the body of this work,
it is in the first place necessary to be observed that there are
seven planets, named Stellæ Errantes—wandering stars
—which have each of them its separate character as they are used
(30)in astrologie; the which stars have great power over
inferior bodies and do, each of them, govern some part or
other of man’s body and they especially have their material
existence in the hand and without astrology Chiromancy
could not subsist and be subservient to true wisdom.”

Chiromancy and Physiognomy are both based on astrology
and are, therefore, quite in place as the second and third parts
(20)of a work treating of the influence of the stars. Many of
the modern writers on Chiromancy seem disposed to deny its
affinity to astrology, with which it is, however, inseparably
connected. Dr. Saunders, in the preface to his exhaustive work
on Chiromancy and Physiognomy, published in 1671, and
(25)dedicated to his friend Lilly, the great astrologer, says
: “For our more orderly proceeding with the body of this work,
it is in the first place necessary to be observed that there are
seven planets, named Stellæ Errantes—wandering stars
—which have each of them its separate character as they are used
(30)in astrologie; the which stars have great power over
inferior bodies and do, each of them, govern some part or
other of man’s body and they especially have their material
existence in the hand and without astrology Chiromancy
could not subsist and be subservient to true wisdom.”

Chiromancy and Physiognomy are both based on astrology
and are, therefore, quite in place as the second and third parts
(20)of a work treating of the influence of the stars. Many of
the modern writers on Chiromancy seem disposed to deny its
affinity to astrology, with which it is, however, inseparably
connected. Dr. Saunders, in the preface to his exhaustive work
on Chiromancy and Physiognomy, published in 1671, and
(25)dedicated to his friend Lilly, the great astrologer, says
: “For our more orderly proceeding with the body of this work,
it is in the first place necessary to be observed that there are
seven planets, named Stellæ Errantes—wandering stars
—which have each of them its separate character as they are used
(30)in astrologie; the which stars have great power over
inferior bodies and do, each of them, govern some part or
other of man’s body and they especially have their material
existence in the hand and without astrology Chiromancy
could not subsist and be subservient to true wisdom.”

Chiromancy and Physiognomy are both based on astrology
and are, therefore, quite in place as the second and third parts
(20)of a work treating of the influence of the stars. Many of
the modern writers on Chiromancy seem disposed to deny its
affinity to astrology, with which it is, however, inseparably
connected. Dr. Saunders, in the preface to his exhaustive work
on Chiromancy and Physiognomy, published in 1671, and
(25)dedicated to his friend Lilly, the great astrologer, says
: “For our more orderly proceeding with the body of this work,
it is in the first place necessary to be observed that there are
seven planets, named Stellæ Errantes—wandering stars
—which have each of them its separate character as they are used
(30)in astrologie; the which stars have great power over
inferior bodies and do, each of them, govern some part or
other of man’s body and they especially have their material
existence in the hand and without astrology Chiromancy
could not subsist and be subservient to true wisdom.”

Chiromancy and Physiognomy are both based on astrology
and are, therefore, quite in place as the second and third parts
(20)of a work treating of the influence of the stars. Many of
the modern writers on Chiromancy seem disposed to deny its
affinity to astrology, with which it is, however, inseparably
connected. Dr. Saunders, in the preface to his exhaustive work
on Chiromancy and Physiognomy, published in 1671, and
(25)dedicated to his friend Lilly, the great astrologer, says
: “For our more orderly proceeding with the body of this work,
it is in the first place necessary to be observed that there are
seven planets, named Stellæ Errantes—wandering stars
—which have each of them its separate character as they are used
(30)in astrologie; the which stars have great power over
inferior bodies and do, each of them, govern some part or
other of man’s body and they especially have their material
existence in the hand and without astrology Chiromancy
could not subsist and be subservient to true wisdom.”

The Passage is excerpted from Ethics of Aristotle by Aristotle

The Ethics of Aristotle is one half of a single treatise of which
his Politics is the other half. Both deal with one and the same
subject. This subject is what Aristotle calls in one place
the “philosophy of human affairs;” but more frequently Political or
(5)Social Science. In the two works taken together we have their
author’s whole theory of human conduct or practical activity,
that is, of all human activity which is not directed merely to
knowledge or truth. The two parts of this treatise are mutually
complementary, but in a literary sense each is independent and
(10)self-contained. The proem to the Ethics is an introduction to
the whole subject, not merely to the first part; the last chapter of
the Ethics points forward to the Politics, and sketches for that
part of the treatise the order of enquiry to be pursued (an order
which in the actual treatise is not adhered to).

(15)The principle of distribution of the subject-matter
between the two works is far from obvious, and has been much
debated. Not much can be gathered from their titles, which in
any case were not given to them by their author. Nor do these
titles suggest any very compact unity in the works to which they
(20)are applied: the plural forms, which survive so oddly in
English (Ethics, Politics), were intended to indicate the
treatment within a single work of a group of connected
questions. The unity of the first group arises from their centring
round the topic of character, that of the second from their
(25)connection with the existence and life of the city or state.
We have thus to regard the Ethics as dealing with one group of
problems and the Politics with a second, both falling within the
wide compass of Political Science. Each of these groups falls
into sub-groups which roughly correspond to the several books
(30)in each work. The tendency to take up one by one the
various problems which had suggested themselves in the wide
field obscures both the unity of the subject-matter and its proper
articulation. But it is to be remembered that what is offered us is
avowedly rather an enquiry than an exposition of hard and fast
(35)doctrine.

Nevertheless each work aims at a relative completeness, and
it is important to observe the relation of each to the other.

The best and happiest life for the individual is that which the
State renders possible, and this it does mainly by revealing to
(40)him the value of new objects of desire and educating him to
appreciate them. To Aristotle or to Plato the State is, above all,
a large and powerful educative agency which gives the
individual increased opportunities of self-development and
greater capacities for the enjoyment of life.

(45)The distinction is not that the one treats of Moral and the
other of Political Philosophy, nor again that the one deals with the
moral activity of the individual and the other with that of the State,
nor once more that the one gives us the theory of human conduct,
while the other discusses its application in practice, though not all
(50)of these misinterpretations are equally erroneous. The clue to
the right interpretation is given by Aristotle himself, where in the
last chapter of the Ethics he is paving the way for the Politics. In
the Ethics he has not confined himself to the abstract or isolated
individual, but has always thought of him, or we might say, in his
(55)social and political context, with a given nature due to race and
heredity and in certain surroundings. So viewing him he has
studied the nature and formation of his character—all that he can
make himself or be made by others to be. Especially he has
investigated the various admirable forms of human character and
(60)the mode of their production. But all this, though it brings
more clearly before us what goodness or virtue is, and how it is to
be reached, remains mere theory or talk. By itself it does not enable
us to become, or to help others to become, good. For this it is
necessary to bring into play the great force of the Political
(65)Community or State, of which the main instrument is Law.
Hence arises the demand for the necessary complement to
the Ethics, i.e., a treatise devoted to the questions which centre
round the enquiry; by what organisation of social or political
forces, by what laws or institutions can we best secure the greatest
(70)amount of good character?

We must, however, remember that the production of good
character is not the end of either individual or state action: that is
the aim of the one and the other because good character is the
indispensable condition and chief determinant of happiness, itself
(75)the goal of all human doing. The end of all action, individual
or collective, is the greatest happiness of the greatest number.
There is, Aristotle insists, no difference of kind between the good
of one and the good of many or all. The sole difference is one of
amount or scale. This does not mean simply that the State exists to
(80)secure in larger measure the objects of degree which the
isolated individual attempts, but is too feeble, to secure without it.
On the contrary, it rather insists that whatever goods society alone
enables a man to secure have always had to the individual—
whether he realised it or not—the value which, when so secured,
(85)he recognises them to possess. 

The Passage is excerpted from Ethics of Aristotle by Aristotle

The Ethics of Aristotle is one half of a single treatise of which
his Politics is the other half. Both deal with one and the same
subject. This subject is what Aristotle calls in one place
the “philosophy of human affairs;” but more frequently Political or
(5)Social Science. In the two works taken together we have their
author’s whole theory of human conduct or practical activity,
that is, of all human activity which is not directed merely to
knowledge or truth. The two parts of this treatise are mutually
complementary, but in a literary sense each is independent and
(10)self-contained. The proem to the Ethics is an introduction to
the whole subject, not merely to the first part; the last chapter of
the Ethics points forward to the Politics, and sketches for that
part of the treatise the order of enquiry to be pursued (an order
which in the actual treatise is not adhered to).

(15)The principle of distribution of the subject-matter
between the two works is far from obvious, and has been much
debated. Not much can be gathered from their titles, which in
any case were not given to them by their author. Nor do these
titles suggest any very compact unity in the works to which they
(20)are applied: the plural forms, which survive so oddly in
English (Ethics, Politics), were intended to indicate the
treatment within a single work of a group of connected
questions. The unity of the first group arises from their centring
round the topic of character, that of the second from their
(25)connection with the existence and life of the city or state.
We have thus to regard the Ethics as dealing with one group of
problems and the Politics with a second, both falling within the
wide compass of Political Science. Each of these groups falls
into sub-groups which roughly correspond to the several books
(30)in each work. The tendency to take up one by one the
various problems which had suggested themselves in the wide
field obscures both the unity of the subject-matter and its proper
articulation. But it is to be remembered that what is offered us is
avowedly rather an enquiry than an exposition of hard and fast
(35)doctrine.

Nevertheless each work aims at a relative completeness, and
it is important to observe the relation of each to the other.

The best and happiest life for the individual is that which the
State renders possible, and this it does mainly by revealing to
(40)him the value of new objects of desire and educating him to
appreciate them. To Aristotle or to Plato the State is, above all,
a large and powerful educative agency which gives the
individual increased opportunities of self-development and
greater capacities for the enjoyment of life.

(45)The distinction is not that the one treats of Moral and the
other of Political Philosophy, nor again that the one deals with the
moral activity of the individual and the other with that of the State,
nor once more that the one gives us the theory of human conduct,
while the other discusses its application in practice, though not all
(50)of these misinterpretations are equally erroneous. The clue to
the right interpretation is given by Aristotle himself, where in the
last chapter of the Ethics he is paving the way for the Politics. In
the Ethics he has not confined himself to the abstract or isolated
individual, but has always thought of him, or we might say, in his
(55)social and political context, with a given nature due to race and
heredity and in certain surroundings. So viewing him he has
studied the nature and formation of his character—all that he can
make himself or be made by others to be. Especially he has
investigated the various admirable forms of human character and
(60)the mode of their production. But all this, though it brings
more clearly before us what goodness or virtue is, and how it is to
be reached, remains mere theory or talk. By itself it does not enable
us to become, or to help others to become, good. For this it is
necessary to bring into play the great force of the Political
(65)Community or State, of which the main instrument is Law.
Hence arises the demand for the necessary complement to
the Ethics, i.e., a treatise devoted to the questions which centre
round the enquiry; by what organisation of social or political
forces, by what laws or institutions can we best secure the greatest
(70)amount of good character?

We must, however, remember that the production of good
character is not the end of either individual or state action: that is
the aim of the one and the other because good character is the
indispensable condition and chief determinant of happiness, itself
(75)the goal of all human doing. The end of all action, individual
or collective, is the greatest happiness of the greatest number.
There is, Aristotle insists, no difference of kind between the good
of one and the good of many or all. The sole difference is one of
amount or scale. This does not mean simply that the State exists to
(80)secure in larger measure the objects of degree which the
isolated individual attempts, but is too feeble, to secure without it.
On the contrary, it rather insists that whatever goods society alone
enables a man to secure have always had to the individual—
whether he realised it or not—the value which, when so secured,
(85)he recognises them to possess. 

The Passage is excerpted from Ethics of Aristotle by Aristotle

The Ethics of Aristotle is one half of a single treatise of which
his Politics is the other half. Both deal with one and the same
subject. This subject is what Aristotle calls in one place
the “philosophy of human affairs;” but more frequently Political or
(5)Social Science. In the two works taken together we have their
author’s whole theory of human conduct or practical activity,
that is, of all human activity which is not directed merely to
knowledge or truth. The two parts of this treatise are mutually
complementary, but in a literary sense each is independent and
(10)self-contained. The proem to the Ethics is an introduction to
the whole subject, not merely to the first part; the last chapter of
the Ethics points forward to the Politics, and sketches for that
part of the treatise the order of enquiry to be pursued (an order
which in the actual treatise is not adhered to).

(15)The principle of distribution of the subject-matter
between the two works is far from obvious, and has been much
debated. Not much can be gathered from their titles, which in
any case were not given to them by their author. Nor do these
titles suggest any very compact unity in the works to which they
(20)are applied: the plural forms, which survive so oddly in
English (Ethics, Politics), were intended to indicate the
treatment within a single work of a group of connected
questions. The unity of the first group arises from their centring
round the topic of character, that of the second from their
(25)connection with the existence and life of the city or state.
We have thus to regard the Ethics as dealing with one group of
problems and the Politics with a second, both falling within the
wide compass of Political Science. Each of these groups falls
into sub-groups which roughly correspond to the several books
(30)in each work. The tendency to take up one by one the
various problems which had suggested themselves in the wide
field obscures both the unity of the subject-matter and its proper
articulation. But it is to be remembered that what is offered us is
avowedly rather an enquiry than an exposition of hard and fast
(35)doctrine.

Nevertheless each work aims at a relative completeness, and
it is important to observe the relation of each to the other.

The best and happiest life for the individual is that which the
State renders possible, and this it does mainly by revealing to
(40)him the value of new objects of desire and educating him to
appreciate them. To Aristotle or to Plato the State is, above all,
a large and powerful educative agency which gives the
individual increased opportunities of self-development and
greater capacities for the enjoyment of life.

(45)The distinction is not that the one treats of Moral and the
other of Political Philosophy, nor again that the one deals with the
moral activity of the individual and the other with that of the State,
nor once more that the one gives us the theory of human conduct,
while the other discusses its application in practice, though not all
(50)of these misinterpretations are equally erroneous. The clue to
the right interpretation is given by Aristotle himself, where in the
last chapter of the Ethics he is paving the way for the Politics. In
the Ethics he has not confined himself to the abstract or isolated
individual, but has always thought of him, or we might say, in his
(55)social and political context, with a given nature due to race and
heredity and in certain surroundings. So viewing him he has
studied the nature and formation of his character—all that he can
make himself or be made by others to be. Especially he has
investigated the various admirable forms of human character and
(60)the mode of their production. But all this, though it brings
more clearly before us what goodness or virtue is, and how it is to
be reached, remains mere theory or talk. By itself it does not enable
us to become, or to help others to become, good. For this it is
necessary to bring into play the great force of the Political
(65)Community or State, of which the main instrument is Law.
Hence arises the demand for the necessary complement to
the Ethics, i.e., a treatise devoted to the questions which centre
round the enquiry; by what organisation of social or political
forces, by what laws or institutions can we best secure the greatest
(70)amount of good character?

We must, however, remember that the production of good
character is not the end of either individual or state action: that is
the aim of the one and the other because good character is the
indispensable condition and chief determinant of happiness, itself
(75)the goal of all human doing. The end of all action, individual
or collective, is the greatest happiness of the greatest number.
There is, Aristotle insists, no difference of kind between the good
of one and the good of many or all. The sole difference is one of
amount or scale. This does not mean simply that the State exists to
(80)secure in larger measure the objects of degree which the
isolated individual attempts, but is too feeble, to secure without it.
On the contrary, it rather insists that whatever goods society alone
enables a man to secure have always had to the individual—
whether he realised it or not—the value which, when so secured,
(85)he recognises them to possess.